DICK MORRIS’ ’08 PLAY-BY-PLAY ANALYSIS Vol 1, #24
THE DEMOCRATS:
HILLARY V OBAMA
Three major factors dominate the Democratic contest: gender, age, and race.
GENDER
Hillary’s surprising victory in New Hampshire placed gender squarely back at the center of the contest. Women voters were the ones who made the big difference: Hillary carried single women by 16 points and married women by 11, while losing men by 13%.
For the last year, Hillary ran as a kind of androgynous front runner, but now she has re-emerged as the first woman candidate for president. Look forward to hearing more and more about how her candidacy is historical and how her experience as a daughter, sister, wife, and mother will make her a unique president.
Her new focus on seeing the “invisible” people and hearing their voices and their needs strikes just the right tone to develop her gender-based victory coalition in the primaries. No doubt it was carefully poll tested and focus grouped. She is now forcefully stressing the issues that are important to her female constituents, who are generally poor and old. Amid all of the talk about experience vs. change for the last year, Hillary had switched her attention away from her core issues, but now concerns that are important to women and their families are directly back in her sights.
This re-emergence of gender as the key factor in the Democratic contest is the single reason for her incredible comeback in New Hampshire. With at least 55% of the vote cast by women, their voice will be decisive in determining the winner and Hillary is playing them just right.
By the way, we really don’t know what proportion of the New Hampshire vote was actually cast by women. Pollsters always pre-determine how many men and how many women they will interview because women are much more likely to answer the phone than men. Unless you predetermine the correct quota for women, they will end up accounting for two thirds of your sample. So the female turnout may have been very much higher than the pollsters thought, accounting for some of the error in the pre election polls.
AGE
While women are coalescing around Hillary, young people have emerged as a decisive electoral force for the first time in American history. And they are overwhelmingly for Obama. (In the 60s, with a 21 year old voting age, they were a strong presence on the streets but not at the polls). Obama carried voters aged 18-24 by 3:1 over Hillary. But, surprisingly, his lead didn’t continue as the voters got older – even by only a few years. Among those 25-29, the race was tied!
And, more importantly, the turnout among 18-24 year olds was twice that of the overall population. 11% of the vote was cast by this age cohort, compared to only 5% by the next highest one – 25-29 year olds.
Obama is generating a youth rebellion, fueled by the rock star excitement and inspiration that his candidacy is generating. And, as the generation least likely to be racially prejudiced, they are backing him in incredible numbers.
Hillary, by contrast, draws most strongly among voters over 50 and particularly among senior citizens.
If Hillary’s grip on female voters falters, age could reassert itself as a key factor in the contest.
RACE
It is almost inevitable that African-American voters will now rally to Obama and desert the Clintons in droves. The controversy over the Clintons’ use of the race card is only going to continue to escalate – especially since Bill and Hillary are shamelessly blaming Obama for their questionable remarks.
More and more, Bill and Hillary will suggest that Obama cannot win the general election, leaving the argument that it is because he is black unsaid but understood. This will provoke a greater and greater backlash among blacks and will deliver the black vote to Obama in future contests – and most likely with a huge turnout.
On the strength of the black vote, Rasmussen has Obama 12 ahead in South Carolina.
But Nevada and South Carolina, while pivotal in the still emerging Republican field, count for little in the Democratic contest. The two way race between Obama and Clinton is already set and neither of these early contests will end the process.
But a decisive swing to Obama by blacks, and a high turnout along with it, could be very important in key states like New York and California, which ballot on Super Tuesday and in Florida the week before.
If the Clintons continue their Obama bashing, they risk ever more alienation from black voters and black leaders.
THE DEBATE BETWEEN HILLARY AND OBAMA
The battle of Hillary is largely over. She has survived her storm of fire and overcame it with a win in New Hampshire. Now the battle of Obama has started. On a par with Hillary for the first time as a co-front runner, Obama now will face every negative the Clinton machine can throw at him.
As noted, race will play a key role. The essential Clinton argument will be that Obama cannot win. They will leave voters to conclude that it is his race that makes his victory less likely.
But they will throw at Obama every other negative they can find. They will scour his comments as a constitutional law professor and a community organizer. They will get friendly media outlets to renew questions about his father’s and step-father’s Muslim affiliation. They will get journalists to question the timing of his cocaine use. These articles will ask whether he used or dealt the drug.
All of these negatives will serve a double purpose: They will, of course, discourage people from backing Obama, but they will reinforce the idea that he can’t win making even more defect.
For his part, Obama needs to open up important substantive disagreements with Hillary to weather this firestorm.
The most likely is over Iraq. Her recent statements that she will withdraw from Iraq as soon as is “reasonably” possible opens her up to the charge that she will continue combat missions there. Her comments to the NY Times in March of 2007 suggest that she contemplates keeping troops there to provide logistical, air, training and intelligence support to the Iraqi Army, to keep Iranians out, and to hunt down al Qaeda. These missions will call for a large commitment of manpower. The New York Times cited estimates of 75,000 soldiers. And the presence of a large troop commitment will impel the need to add more to protect them.
Obama needs to pin Hillary down on this issue and set up a clear distinction between them.
WITHER EDWARDS?
Obama should overtly press Edwards to withdraw and endorse him. He should use the North Carolinian’s emphasis on their joint identification with change against the status quo to call on him to consolidate the forces of change behind Obama.
It is might even be a good idea to embrace Edwards as a VP candidate, again!, as part of his withdrawal from the race.
Obama needs to end the division of the anti-Hillary vote in order to stand a chance to prevail. Edwards, who has now fallen far behind in the national polls, can’t be raising much money and may find it necessary to pull out before he becomes a trivial afterthought. The CNN poll of January 9th has Hillary ahead 46-35-15. At 15% of the vote, Edwards is way too far back to score impressively. Even in next door South Carolina, he is only at 15% with Obama in first place at 42% and Hillary at 30%. He needs to pull out.
SO WHO WILL WIN THE DEMOCRATIC NOMINATION?
Too soon to tell. My bet is still Hillary, unfortunately, but Obama could put it together. The key question is: Will Edwards stay in?
THE REPUBLICANS:
RUDY’S MISCALCULATION = MCCAIN SURGE
Rudy Giuliani believed that he could avoid the early primaries and cash in on his star power, jump directly into the Florida primary, and surge to the top of the field. Wrong. He didn’t count on McCain seizing center stage and replacing him in the affection of moderate Republicans and Independents.
The latest www.realclearpolitics.com average in the national polls is: McCain 25%, Huckabee 22%, Giuliani 16%, Romney 14%, Thompson 10%. So Giuiliani’s boycott of the Iowa and New Hampshire contests has led him to swap places with John McCain and totally erase the lead he had built over the Arizonian in 2007. The latest poll is a national sample by Scott Rasmussen, one of the best of the pollsters, which has Rudy even further down the tank: McCain 24%, Huckabee 19%, Romney 16%, Thompson 13%, and Rudy at 9% just above Ron Paul!
And Florida? The numbers there aren’t much better for Giuliani. SurveyUSA, polling on Jan 9-11 (after New Hampshire) has McCain leading with 27% followed by Giuliani with 19%, Huckabee and Romney with 17% each, and Thompson at 8%.
If McCain wins in Michigan, as he did in 2000, his lead over Giuliani could become almost insurmountable.
Why did Giuliani let this state of affairs develop? He correctly judged that his reputation was strong enough so he didn’t have to compete in the tiny states that hold the first contests. But he didn’t realize the extent to which McCain would replace the need for Rudy.
McCain satisfies Republicans who believe national security is the top national priority and who are concerned about nominating a candidate – like Romney, Huckabee, or even Thompson – who has only limited experience with foreign affairs. He also has a broad record embracing campaign finance reform, opposition to tobacco, corporate governance reform, energy independence, curbing earmarks, and fighting global warming.
So the question everyone is asking is: Can Rudy come back? But that’s the wrong question. The right one is: Will McCain stumble? The semi-final contest between Rudy and McCain for the moderate GOP nomination is now in the control of the Arizona Senator. It is now his to lose. Unless he makes a major misstep or betrays his age in one of the debates or has renewed health problems, it is unlikely that Giuliani can come back.
McCain is hard to attack. His POW background arouses instant sympathy if anyone hits him. His identification with the surge in Iraq, and with its success, makes him immune on the issue. A right winger could hit him on his partnership with Kennedy on immigration reform or with Feingold on campaign finance or with Lieberman on global warming, but Rudy would have a hard time mounting such an attack since he holds similar positions on these issues.
Besides, there is evidence that Rudy has spent so much money treading water that, even though he did not fight in New Hampshire, Michigan, or Iowa, he is short of funds. He is laying off some of his staff and not paying others to scrape together enough money to compete in Florida.
Can Rudy surge ahead? He could, but don’t count on it.
AND ON THE GOP RIGHT?
Huckabee’s surge is animated by much more than his base on the Christian right. He is tapping into the votes of Reagan Democrats who value his downscale, populist focus. His tag line in his Michigan ads is classic: “I think voters want a president who reminds them of the guy they work with, not the guy who laid them off.”
If Huckabee is attracting the social conservatives and Reagan Democrats, Romney (the guy who laid you off) is appealing to the economic conservatives – the Fortune 500, Wall Street traditional base of the Republican Party.
Not since Goldwater faced Rockefeller has there been so dramatic a split in the Party between its upscale and downscale wings. Just as the 1968 divisions between the left and right of the Democratic Party cracked the FDR coalition, the Reagan coalition of tax cutters and social conservatives is fracturing this year.
With Giuliani and McCain winning the votes of those who prioritize national security issues, the Romney v Huckabee division is a battle for the Party’s soul between the bi-coastals and those who live in “fly over country.”
Romney, of course, has the advantage of an unlimited checkbook and, therefore, will never drop out of the race. But he faces a bit of a tag team match in Huckabee and McCain. Huckabee beat Romney in Iowa. McCain beat him in New Hampshire and appears likely to do so in Michigan. Huckabee probably will prevail in South Carolina.
Blocked from victory by the Bobsey Twins, Romney may falter in Florida and on Super Tuesday.
Can McCain satisfy the Wall Street types? Can his brand of conservatism attract enough support from upscale voters to make Romney unnecessary? If McCain succeeds in combining the economic and national security conservatives under his banner, he will win the nomination.
Fred Thompson, at death’s door, made a spirited comeback in
Thursday’s GOP debate in South Carolina. He showed a bounce in the national polls as a result, but he is still nowhere in Michigan or South Carolina, so he faces yet another anemic showing and will probably be forced out of the race unless he can pull off an upset in South Carolina.
SO WHO WILL WIN THE REPUBLICAN NOMINATION?
At this point, it looks like John McCain. Acceptable to social conservatives and economic Republicans and the enthusiastic candidate of national security voters, he is the likely winner.
But, at 71, he is scarcely the candidate to run during the youth revolution that is happening in American politics. Against Hillary, he could get traction, trumping her experience and only a decade older than she is, but against Obama, the generational factor would likely dominate.
DICK MORRIS’ ’08 PLAY-BY-PLAY ANALYSIS Vol 1, #23
DICK MORRIS’ ’08 PLAY-BY-PLAY
Volume 1, #23
December 21, 2007
WHAT‘S WRONG WITH HILLARY?
Barring a last minute change in the polls, Hillary Clinton now seems headed for the rocks in both Iowa and New Hampshire. In each state, she is trailing Barack Obama by three points or more in recent polls, despite having held double digit leads less than a month ago.
And she doesn‘t show signs of getting well any time soon. She‘ll win the Michigan primary, one week after New Hampshire, but only because Obama and Edwards took their names off the ballot in deference to the decree of the Democratic National Committee to punish the state for moving its primary up early by staying out of the race. Hillary, who entered anyway, now has no real opposition there.
But after Michigan comes Nevada and South Carolina. She may do well in Nevada, but South Carolina blacks are likely to be energized by seeing Obama‘s victories in Iowa and New Hampshire and may swamp Hillary‘s forces.
Can she recover when Florida votes on January 29th or when the rest of the big states ballot on February 5th? Perhaps, but she‘s dug herself into a deep, deep hole.
What‘s going wrong? Let us count the ways.
Experience Doesn‘t Work; Change Does
Her biggest blunder is her embrace of experience as her theme song, vacating the theme of change for Obama and Edwards. By tying herself to the past, she let them co-opt the future.
The campaign realized its error in the past week and Bill Clinton, appearing on the Charlie Rose show, explicitly reversed course and called his wife an "agent of change." But voters are doing Hillary the massive disservice of listening to what she and her surrogates have been saying to months – that she can "hit the ground running from day one" because she has been there, in the White House, helping to run the country.
While she has been trying to persuade voters that it was really Hillary that piloted the nation to prosperity in the 90s and Hillary who negotiated the Irish peace accords and Hillary who balanced the budget and Hillary who was the "face" of the Clinton Administration‘s foreign policy, Obama and Edwards have been identifying with the need for change. She‘s in the wrong place in the wrong primary to run on experience. It is Republicans, with their cautious conservatism, who value experience. Democrats are the party of change.
But both words – experience and change – are really codes for negative attacks on the other side.
When Hillary touts her experience, she is hitting Obama‘s in experience. Sensing that his Achilles heel is his limited service in the Senate, Hillary (who has served only four more years in the Senate) stresses her tenure as a way of highlighting Obama‘s lack of it. But Hillary, pressed for specifics of her experience, doesn‘t talk about her time in the Senate. Instead she seeks to co-opt Bill‘s presidential record, looking phony in the process.
But by trying to sell the idea that she was co-president in the 90s, she runs right into the buzz saw Obama and Edwards have created by using their own code word – change. Change means breaking the dynastic alternation of Bushes and Clintons. It means not going back to the 90s, however nostalgic and misty eyed Democrats may get for the good old days. So by wrapping herself in experience, Hillary makes herself part of the past and the dynastic alternation, further digging herself into a hole.
Stupid Attacks On Obama
There‘s nothing wrong with negative campaigning, but Hillary is breaking all the rules about how to do it:
- If you are going negative, make the shots count. Running negatives exacts a high price both from the victim of the attack and from its author. Told that a candidate is a horse thief, voters are less likely to back him, but are also turned off by his opponent for throwing the accusation.
So if you are going to get the rap for being negative, you better make sure that the shots hit hard, preferably with lethal impact. Don‘t leave the other person still standing.
But Hillary has been throwing trivial negatives. She criticized Obama for plotting a presidential run in kindergarten. She had her surrogate say that he may have used cocaine later in life than he has admitted. She said his health care plan will leave some uncovered (about 5% of the country). These are not negatives which will knock anyone out. The price of throwing them isn‘t worth their impact on the target.
- And she‘s throwing the negatives herself. Attack your opponent in ads with an announcer gravely intoning about his sins. Use a spokesperson. Use those who endorse your candidacy. Don‘t do it yourself. Especially not if you are a woman and more so if you are known as ruthless and strident. But Hillary has been hitting Obama herself, day after day. She looks bad doing it and she cuts against her media campaign to warm her up by featuring her Mom‘s testimonial to what a great person she really is. She looks awful making the attacks.
- When you hit with a negative, you can never tell where the rebound goes. If candidate A attacks candidate B, both get hurt. Candidate C will likely benefit. And, sure enough, John Edwards has been moving up steadily in national polls from the low teens to the mid teens. You don‘t throw negatives in an eight way race. It is only in a two way contest that they make political sense. You may look bad for going negative, but your opponent looks worse after people hear your charges against him. And, in a two way race, there‘s noplace else for the voters to go but back to you.
The Bill Clinton Fallacy
Hillary‘s solution to her fall has been to bring out Bill to fight for her. But in doing so, she has triggered a range of unintended consequences that have weakened her further.
- She looks weak depending on her husband. Can you imagine Margaret Thatcher getting her husband Dennis to criticize the Argentine Junta on her behalf? Hillary‘s big advantage has always been her strength and outspokenness. Voters see her as a fearless warrior. But by hiding behind her husband, she kindles doubts about whether she has the starch to be a strong president on her own.
- And it hurts Bill Clinton‘s image to come out swinging. His high ratings now are based on his above-the-battle statesmanlike efforts to help AIDS patients in Africa, mitigate the damage of the Tsunami, and rebuild the Gulf after Katrina. His new book, Giving, seeks to put him on this lofty perch. But when he leaves it and comes down into the gutter to punch out Hillary‘s rivals, he lowers his ratings and loses his ability to help her.
- Finally, by bringing Bill into the race, Hillary reminds us of the worst of the Clinton years. Their dysfunctional marriage, his parsing of the language to dodge and weave through controversy, his tendency to get down and dirty in fighting opponents are all unattractive and do him..and her..no good.
Can She Recover?
Unfortunately, yes. By losing New Hampshire and Iowa, Hillary moves out of the spotlight. She is no longer the story. The focus will shift to Obama. And Democratic doubts about his political viability in a general election will haunt his candidacy.
Democrats pride themselves on not being racist. But they don‘t trust others not to be so. Plenty of party loyalists will wonder if they should back the first African-American to run for president with the White House on the line.
Of course, neither Hillary or Bill would be caught dead exploiting this vulnerability. But they‘ll do it in a way they won‘t get caught.
Bill will criticize Obama – as he did on Charlie Rose – as a "roll of the dice." He‘ll raise the spectre of his limited experience and call his candidacy a "risk." He will pretend to be speaking about Obama‘s recent arrival on the national stage, but his words will be code for race. The roll of the dice won‘t be on whether a man can be president having only served four years in the Senate. It will be whether the Democratic Party can entrust its national fate to a black candidate.
It will be the perfect negative – sufficiently politically correct to be useable but also dirty enough to be effective.
From every quarter of the Democratic Party, Senators and Governors will pay off their debt to Hillary for having raised them campaign funds over the past eight years (which is what she has really been doing in the Senate) by questioning if Obama is too risky. The word risk will permeate the dialogue as super Tuesday looms and will take big chunks out of Obama‘s vote.
Also, we can‘t count out Edwards. He‘ll do well enough in Iowa to stay alive and might survive New Hampshire too. With the North Carolinian still in the race, the anti-Hillary vote will be split, which could help her to recover.
Can she recover? Of course she can. But will she? Right now, it‘s a 50-50 bet. I want to say no, but don‘t ever count these folks out.
And For The Republicans… Can Rudy Recover? Is Huckabee For Real? Is McCain Coming Back? And Is Romney Still In it?
Yes to all of the above.
The most likely scenario is for a very crowded Republican field that only begins to sort itself out on January 15th when Michigan votes and only anoints a winner on Super Tuesday – if by then!
The opening rounds will likely be a split decision with Huckabee winning Iowa and Romney winning New Hampshire. Michigan will be the tie-breaker. Pundits will wonder if Huckabee can win outside of a small, Midwest state like Arkansas or Iowa and if Romney can win far from his Massachusetts home. Michigan will give the answer. Unless they finish tied, or virtually so, only one will emerge standing.
Which one? Hard to tell. But Huckabee gets the edge. He‘s the only social conservative running. Rudy is pro choice. Romney was pro choice two years ago. McCain alienated the pro lifers by his campaign finance reform. And Thompson lobbied for abortion rights in the 90s.
The dominant emotion on the right is fear of Giuliani, concern that the party may be captured by its old Rockefeller-Ford wing, trampling Reagan‘s legacy.
The battle between Romney and Huckabee is really a clash of the economic Republicans against the social conservatives. Wall Street battles Main Street; the boardroom squares off against the pulpit; the country club fights the bowling alley. An attractive latter day Steve Forbes goes up against an articulate latter day Gary Bauer.
In a two way fight, Romney would probably prevail. But there is now a third wing of the Republican Party – the National Security conservatives who worry more about terror than taxes or abortion. Rudy Giuliani is their quintessential candidate and McCain is a good backup. With them skimming off votes that would otherwise go to Romney, Huckabee – who will increasingly win the religious vote – probably prevails.
Rudy Giuliani will lose Iowa and New Hampshire. But his problems won‘t end there. John McCain is gaining in Iowa, propelled by the Des Moines Register endorsement. The latest polls have McCain at 6% and Rudy at 10%. If McCain passes Giuliani in Iowa, he probably can beat him in New Hampshire too. The Arizona Senator is now two points ahead of Rudy there, capitalizing on his residual popularity in the state that gave him his primary victory in 2000.
The John McCain of 2008 is not the same as the McCain of 2000 because he is stripped of his most potent weapon – the Independent voter. In 2000, it was his ability to carry Independents that pushed him to the win in New Hampshire. He lost Republicans to Bush. But now Independents are all voting in the Democratic Primary, for or against Hillary Clinton. If Hillary loses in Iowa, you can bet none of the Independents will stray into the Republican contest. Hillary is too polarizing and Obama too interesting.
If Rudy beats McCain in Iowa, he‘ll probably pass him in New Hampshire. Even if he loses these first two primaries, he can likely come back and do very well in Michigan. Even if Huckabee or Romney beat him there, a good second place finish will let him continue down the road to Florida. And in the Sunshine State – and in the Super Tuesday states – Rudy can definitely come back.
But don‘t count out the winner of the Romney/Huckabee semi-final. Whichever one wins, he will be a formidable opponent to Giuliani and will win a lot of states (read: Texas, the rest of the south, and maybe California). Rudy probably wins anyway but it could be tough.
But Rudy may not finish above McCain in Iowa. And therefore he may not beat him in New Hampshire. Rudy is too strong to die or be knocked out by these early defeats, but he may end up with a three way race on Super Tuesday with McCain draining his votes.
For that matter, Romney, who can write any size check he wants, might not drop out even if Huckabee beats him in Iowa, Michigan, Nevada, and South Carolina. He may reason that Huckabee can‘t get enough money fast enough to offset his bottomless check book, giving him a big advantage when all thirty states vote at once on February 5th.
So there is a good chance of a four way race on Super Tuesday. The candidates could be: Huckabee, coming off a string of primary wins, Romney, with a New Hampshire win under his belt and a big checkbook at his disposal, Giuliani, the residual 9-11 favorite, and McCain, still standing after strong showing in the early primaries.
That could lead to a real convention fight down the road. Were the calendar longer and the primaries more stretched out, there would likely be time for a consensus winner to emerge. The losers would face night after night of concession speeches whose cumulative effect would be lethal. But with everybody voting at once, momentum may not have time to assert itself and you could have four candidates duking it out on the floor of the convention.
(Or, more likely, a 1976 Ford v Reagan scenario where the later primaries in the final fifteen or so states – and the statutory super delegates — determine the nominee.)
Either way, this is shaping up as the most interesting presidential race in decades.
________________________________________________________________________
THANK YOU!
***Copyright Eileen McGann and Dick Morris 2007. Reprints with permission only***
DICK MORRIS’ ’08 PLAY-BY-PLAY ANALYSIS Vol 1, #22
DICK MORRIS’ ’08 PLAY-BY-PLAY
Volume 1, #22
November 21, 2007
Dear Friends,
Have a very happy Thanksgiving! With all of the political fighting going on, let’s take a minute to give thanks for this wonderful country.
Dick
WHAT’S HAPPENING TO HILLARY?
Has Hillary’s candidacy just hit a bump in the road or is she seriously decomposing? It’s
still too early to tell, but there’s definitely something big going on.
She’s lost her lead in Iowa.
According to The Washington Post/ABC poll, she’s down 4 points, with Obama in first place. (It’s
Obama 30%, Hillary 26%, Edwards 21%).
And in New Hampshire, CNN reports that she has lost the commanding 23 point lead she had in
September and has crashed down to an 11 point lead today.
This is not good news for Hillary.
And there are signs that her slippage has seeped through to her base. While national polls
show that she still leads among women by twenty points, in Iowa, she is actually only tied with Obama among female Democrats!
This is a big change.
What happened? How could her debate performance cause such unraveling?
To grasp what is happening to her, one needs to explore the various levels of reaction to her bad
debate three weeks ago and her tepid performance last week.
Level One: She Won’t Answer Questions
The first and most obvious reaction of voters to Hillary’s dodging and weaving in the debates is that she is trying to take both sides of various key issues. Like Bill Clinton during the early years of his presidency, she is trying to have it both ways.
She’s tapping into a collective memory of just how unattractive and ‘clever’ the Clintons can be.
She has a specific plan for saving Social Security…but she won’t discuss it until we achieve -fiscal responsibility.”
She understands why governors are moving to give illegal immigrants drivers licenses – and thinks it’s a good idea. It makes sense — but she’s against it.
We need to pull troops out of Iraq, she says, but still need to leave them there to stop Iranian infiltration, hunt al Qaeda, and provide support to the Iraq Army.
And so forth…
Caught in the brazen contradictions of her own positions, she has floundered during the debates.
In the debate on October 30th, Obama, Edwards, Dodd and questioner Tim Russert were alert to her dodges and had no hesitation in pouncing on her doublespeak. “I believe Mrs. Clinton just gave too two different positions in the space of about two minutes,” Edwards jabbed. “You just said you were for it,” Dodd noted as Hillary was trying to worm out of endorsing drivers licenses for illegals.
CNN’s Wolf Blitzer was much kinder to her in the Nevada debate last week, but it appears not to have done her much good.
A lot of voters, particularly recent converts to Hillary, were shocked by her equivocations and double talk.
But many Democrats didn’t mind her dance around the issues because they are so determined to defeat the GOP that they don’t want their candidate to be pinned down to commitments which would make her easier to beat in the general election. For these voters, victory is the goal at any cost and a good dancer is a good candidate.
Is She Too Weak to be the Democratic Candidate?
Then Hillary compounded the problems raised by her debate flaws by implying that the men were ganging up on her. She flew to her old college, Wellesley, and complained that the all-male club of debaters and journalists had treated her harshly, drawing a contrast to the environment that had prevailed at the all-woman school she had attended.
Then she brought in her husband to fight for her. Bill Clinton openly attacked Russert for biased questioning and said Hillary’s rivals had “swift-boated” her during the debate. After much criticism, Clinton later claimed he was talking about the largely silent Republicans.
All his self-defense and self-pity roused concerns about Hillary’s strength as a president, but, more important to Democrats, as a candidate. For months, Hillary has been basing her campaign on her ability to defeat “the vast right wing conspiracy” and the “Republican attack machine.” She said she would “deck them.” While posturing about her White House experience, it was really her campaign experience that she was touting. The woman who had helped lead the battle to win in 1992, win in 1996, prevail in the impeachment battle, and win the Senate seat in New York, was the experienced warrior the Party needed.
But now, as she ran for cover, hiding behind her gender and her husband, she did not look so tough or formidable.
For the Democrats, the primary is a play within a play – a contest between potential presidents to be sure but also a mock election to see who would do best at the real thing come November of next year.
Hillary’s excuses for her debate weakness looked, themselves, weak and further eroded her support.
Obama and Edwards are Empowered
After one of the early Democratic debates, pollster Frank Luntz, monitoring his focus group’s reactions to the contest, said that Ronald Reagan’s Eleventh Commandment (“Thou Shalt Not Speak Ill of a Fellow Republican”) was now applying to the Democratic contest. This Party, reputed to form firing squads in circles, was suddenly so focused on defeating the Republicans, that they reacted badly to attacks by one Democratic candidate on another, particularly against any criticism of the likely nominee-Hillary.
But after scorching her in the debate, Edwards and Obama both saw their poll numbers rise. Some polls had Edwards moving up by about three points and Obama by five. Their gains, which rewarded rather than punished their aggressive debate strategy, brought with them an impunity which is letting them continue the attacks on Hillary.
Can Hillary Win?
With victory in the general election the only goal of most Democratic primary voters, Hillary’s sag in the polls is creating its own question: Is she really a winner? Willing to overlook a host of faults in order to choose someone to take the Republicans down, they are not willing to forgive the one cardinal sin: losing.
So with each drop in the polls, Hillary’s reputation as a winner, vital to her standing in the Party, has gotten weaker and her hold on the voters loosened.
And the questions her debate performance raised are, themselves, raising new questions, particularly as John Edwards – the more aggressive of Hillary’s two main rivals – zeroes in on her contradictory statements about Iraq. Pressing her to say how many troops she’d leave there and what they’d do and how long they’d be there, Edwards is backing Hillary into a corner. And her old dodge – I won’t negotiate against myself – holds less and less credence as the chances of her winning decline.
What About Iowa?
All these developments are being played out on the stage of a tiny state – Iowa – whose caucuses on January 3rd are the first real forum for the contest. The importance of the Iowa race is heightened by the fact that the Democratic and Republican nominees are likely to be chosen by February 5th, just thirty-three days later.
While Hillary has a big financial advantage over Edwards and a bit of a lead over Obama, Iowa is too small for money to be a decisive advantage. A heavy week of advertising costs only about $200,000 there. Spending on field organization can rack up the cost, but no candidate is too poor to run in Iowa.
Also, the very format of a caucus, where voters must attend meetings rather than just nip around the corner to their polling place, encourages only the committed to vote. Rather than just ducking into the voting booth and pulling a lever, voters must spend hours at a meeting, often casting tactical votes to help their candidate.
So the marginal primary voters don’t show up. And the most committed element of the Democratic Party is, of course, its left wing, now increasingly disenchanted with Hillary’s squishy and inconsistent position on the war.
Indeed, the Washington Post/ABC poll showed that only half of Hillary’s voters have attended caucuses previously in Iowa. By contrast, 57% of Obama’s have and 76% of Edwards’ supporters have been to a caucus in earlier years. If we assume that only those who have already attended a caucus will show up this time, Hillary plunges to third place with Obama and Edwards tied for first.
If Hillary can pull out a victory in Iowa, it will so reinforce the view of her inevitability that voters in the remaining primaries that follow Iowa will be reluctant to weaken their future nominee by voting against her. The perception will harden that Hillary is the winner, both adding to her vote share, and cutting into support for her opponents.
But, what if she loses?
What If Hillary Loses Iowa?
If Hillary fails in Iowa, does she have the hardened support the next contest — in New Hampshire – to prevail in the face of an Iowa upset? Already, with her bad debate performance, Hillary has lost half of her lead in New Hampshire.
It is not so much that Hillary would falter after an Iowa defeat, but that Obama would surge after a victory. Suddenly, the potential of a black president, which has seemed to fade as Hillary’s lead continued to grow, will galvanize the nation and capture its imagination. Obama, attractive and compelling, will develop huge momentum from an Iowa win and probably will carry New Hampshire as well.
And What then?
Hillary’s national strength is such that she can’t be knocked out by one or two caucus or primary loses. To defeat her, a candidate must battle in all fifty states, taking her on delegate by delegate, winning in the big states. Symbolic defeats in Iowa or New Hampshire with only a handful of delegates at stake won’t derail Hillary. But they will make it harder.
But Obama does have the financial resources to fight a fifty state battle with Hillary, and, with his Internet based fund raising, has the ability to reload his coffers rapidly after a victory.
If Hillary loses Iowa and New Hampshire, the nominating contest could go either way. Obama’s chances at winning would rise, but only to 50-50. Suddenly, women would grow concerned about having the presidency snatched from their grasp and loyal Democrats would wonder if they can win a general election behind an African-American candidate. The Party establishment would not let go of Hillary easily and her IOUs from Democratic office holders and party officials – for whom she has raised boatloads of money – would hold many of her super-delegate votes in place.
But if Hillary loses in Iowa and then loses New Hampshire too it would become a contest.
REPUBLICANS: THE BATTLES WITHIN
On the Republican side of the fence, the Iowa battle is even more interesting. After leading for seven months, Romney suddenly has a problem on his hands. It’s not the problem he thought he’d have – Giuliani or Thompson. It’s Mike Huckabee. From nowhere, Huckabee is now hot on Romney’s tail. The average of the past five polls (always available on www.realclearpolitics.com) shows Romney at 28%, Huckabee at 20%, Giuliani languishing behind at 14%, Thompson crashing at 11%, and McCain at 7%.
So what happens if Rudy loses Iowa?
It depends on four questions:
| 1. By how much does he lose? | |
| 2. To whom does he lose? | |
| 3. How does Hillary do in Iowa? | |
| 4. And how does he do vis-Ã -vis McCain? |
If Rudy is wiped out in Iowa, as the polls currently suggest, he is in for a long hard battle to get the nomination. His consistent lead in the national polls means that if he won in Iowa, he could end the contest right there (just as Hillary could).
But if Rudy is humiliated in Iowa, it opens the door to the argument that the base just won’t buy his social liberalism and may lead for many to hunt around for an alternative.
Which raises the second question: Who does he lose to? If he loses to Romney, it is a disaster. Romney has a built in advantage in the next two states on the calendar – New Hampshire and Michigan.
As governor of Massachusetts, Romney was on Boston television virtually every night and 2/3 of New Hampshire voters watch Boston TV. New Hampshire television reaches only about 1/3 of the state. So New Hampshire is virtually Romney’s home state. The average of the last five polls has him ahead there by a lot. Its Romney 33%, Giuliani 18%, McCain 16%, Huckabee 7%, Thompson 5%.
And in Michigan, Mitt’s father George was the Governor (he ran for president against Nixon in 1968 but was wiped out when he said he was “brainwashed” in Vietnam). A Detroit News poll from earlier this month has Romney at 28%, Giuliani at 25%, Thompson at 13%, McCain at 12% and Huckabee at 9%.
Rudy could overcome Romney’s lead in both New Hampshire and Michigan, but not if Romney wins in Iowa. The momentum he would get from the first caucuses would be so huge that he would likely win both states.
And, in South Carolina, a conservative bastion, it would be wishful thinking to believe that Giuliani could come back if Romney built up a head of steam. Realclearpolitics.com has Romney and Rudy tied at 21 there.
So, if Romney wins Iowa, he’ll likely do a sweep, winning New Hampshire, Michigan and South Carolina. Then, the question will be whether Rudy can stage a comeback in Florida where he now enjoys a solid lead. It will be tough but it is possible.
But the silver lining for Rudy is that Huckabee, who has surged in Iowa, could beat Romney. Mike has gone from invisibility to second place through dogged, one-on-one campaigning in Iowa and now has enough money to do some paid television advertising.
Can Huckabee beat Romney in Iowa? Maybe yes. After all, most of Romney’s support is really fear of Rudy and his social liberalism. If you are going to vote for a social conservative, why not vote for the real thing rather than a recent convert?
If Huckabee beats Romney, it sets up a three way race in New Hampshire and Rudy’s chances may depend on the third question: How did Hillary do in Iowa?
If Hillary wins in Iowa, the Democratic race is functionally over. That will free independents to enter the Republican primary and will give Rudy or McCain a big boost.
But if Hillary loses in Iowa, you can bet that Independents will stay in the Democratic primary, turning the GOP contest in New Hampshire into a confrere of the party faithful who will support Romney or Huckabee.
Remember that in 2000, it was Independents entering the Republican primary that boosted McCain to victory over Bush. And note also that in the current polling, 80% of the independents are voting in the Democratic primary – to elect or defeat Hillary. But if she is not in play by New Hampshire, having won Iowa and the nomination, then they may enter the Republican primary and deliver it to Rudy.
If Rudy is the moderate at that point. And that leads to the fourth question: How will McCain do?
Rudy appeared to have knocked McCain out of the race when he entered the Republican contest in January of 2007. Before that, McCain was trailing Rudy only slightly, but when Giuliani entered the race, he immediately racked up a big lead over McCain. And when the immigration debate heated up, McCain paid a heavy price for his support of the Bush reform plan which conservatives attacked as amnesty.
But lately, McCain has been doing well. Nationally, he is sluggish. The realclearpolitics.com average has him at 13% in fourth place behind Rudy (28%), Thompson (15%), and Romney (13%). But in New Hampshire, McCain is hot on Rudy’s trail. Romney leads at 33% but Rudy is in second at 18% and McCain third at 16%.
It depends on Iowa. Right now, Rudy is at 14% in Iowa and McCain is down at 7%. But if McCain could come up – and he is working Iowa very hard – passing Rudy there, combined with a strong base in New Hampshire left over from his 2000 triumph there, could give McCain an edge over Giuliani reversing the pattern of the past year.
So….on the right, its either Romney or Huckabee. Our bet is that Huckabee wins in Iowa and sets up a tough three way fight in New Hampshire.
And…on the left, its Giuliani or McCain, more likely Rudy. But how damaged with Rudy be after Iowa. He better hope that either he does better or that Huckabee wins.
__________________________________________
THANK YOU!
***Copyright Eileen McGann and Dick Morris 2007. Reprints with permission only***
DICK MORRIS’ ’08 PLAY-BY-PLAY ANALYSIS Vol 1, #21
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DICK MORRIS’ ’08 PLAY-BY-PLAY
Volume 1, #21
October 26, 2007
WHAT SHE’D DO: HILLARY’S HIDDEN AGENDA AND HOW MUCH MORE IT WILL COST YOU
When a major presidential candidate refuses to reveal the specifics of her campaign program, taking the position that she “won’t answer hypothetical questions,” how are we to gauge her candidacy and intentions?
There’s only one way: We must become detectives, reading her statements – particularly between the lines – to figure out her ideas and likely governing philosophy. And we also need to examine the agenda being formulated in Congress by the left wing of the Democratic Party to help us to fill in the blanks in assessing Hillary’s true intentions.
She’ll never tell us.
The headline to this article is intentionally conditional (“what she’d do”, not “what she’ll do”) because, despite her front runner status, she is, thankfully, not inevitable. But we can’t ignore her commanding lead in the Democratic Primary (Rasmussen has her at 46% with Obama at a puny 18% and Edwards out of sight at 11%) and her strong showing in general election matchups (she beats everybody but Giuliani).
So it is definitely appropriate to read the tea leaves and project what President Hillary would do if elected.
The answer is not pretty. If she is elected, as it looks like she will, there is a very good likelihood that she will bring with her a heavily Democratic Senate. With four Republican incumbents endangered (Coleman, Minn; Sununu, N.H.; Smith, Ore; and Collins, Me) and four open seats likely to go from Republican to Democrat (Virginia, N.M., Colorado, and, possibly Nebraska), she could have 58 Democrats at her beck and call, making a filibuster unlikely.
That highly Democratic Congress and President Hillary would likely combine to enact legislation so far reaching and ideologically polarizing as to be a rare turning point in American history. One has to think of Woodrow Wilson’s first two years, FDR’s first term, Lyndon Johnson’s first two years as president and, on the right, Reagan’s revolution to find anything comparable in scope and extent.
It’s a frightening thought.
Start with her tax policies.
TAXES
Hillary makes no secret of her intention to roll back Bush’s tax cuts on the ‘wealthy.’
But her definition of ‘rich’ is sufficiently inclusive so as to encompass everyone with a family or household income over $200,000 a year. Clearly she would include the following in the tax cuts she will repeal (or allow to sunset):
- She’d raise the top bracket of the federal income tax, restoring it to 39.6% from its current 35% level.
- She’d increase the capital gains tax, restoring it to 20% – or maybe even go higher. My bet is that she will increase it to 30% or even eliminate special treatment for capital gains altogether, taxing gains as ordinary income (at 40%).
- Hillary will almost certainly roll back much- if not all- of the estate tax reductions of recent years, lowering dramatically the size of estates subject to the levy.
- She’d restore the tax on dividends to 30% from its current 15%.
But her agenda will doubtless go further. She will be much more radical in raising taxes than Bush was in cutting them.
SOCIAL SECURITY TAXES
One of her most important steps will probably be to raise Social Security (FICA) taxes. She won’t raise the rate since that would impact her liberal base. Instead, she’ll raise the threshold of income that subject to taxation, now limited to the first $97, 500 of income.
At a recent candidate forum in Iowa, Hillary played it cute. First, she told the audience that she had nothing ‘on the table’ about Social Security taxes. Then, after the meeting, she privately told Todd Bowman, a schoolteacher who was in the audience, that she would consider imposing FICA taxes on all those who earn more than $200,000. She told Bowman that she would probably keep the current threshold at $100,000, skip the next hundred thousand of income, and then tax all income over $200,000 for Social Security.
So, look forward to some big changes there.
(Of course, she will not remove the cap on benefits, just on taxes).
Her remaining tax increases will likely relate to ending the capital gains treatment of carried interest in partnerships. Managers of real estate, energy, or private equity partnerships pay capital gains taxes on their management fees or their share of the profits even though their payments have nothing to do with any capital they may have directly invested.
Hillary will dress up these tax increases (the biggest in history) as tax relief for the middle class! She’ll maintain this fiction by using the bogyman of two largely theoretical tax increases which might eventually confront middle class taxpayers.
EXTENDING THE BUSH MIDDLE CLASS TAX CUTS
First, she’ll take credit for renewing the Bush tax cuts in the middle and lower income tax brackets. Projected over ten years, this will come to a tidy sum of “tax relief” she will offer to the middle class. Since these cuts are slated to expire in the early years of the next president’s first term, their extension could be billed as a middle class tax cut.
THE ALTERNATIVE MINIMUM TAX CUT
Second, she’ll change the nature and structure of the Alternative Minimum Tax (AMT) so it does not affect the middle class as drastically as it will if left unchanged. This legislation, enacted more than a decade ago, was designed to subject all high income taxpayers to a minimum proportion of their income they had to pay in taxes regardless of which deductions or shelters they claimed on the tax forms.
But inflation and increased prosperity has now moved 23 million Americans into a position where the AMT would apply to them.
Hillary never mentions that it was her husband who vetoed the repeal of the AMT in 1999. No, it’s all the Bush Administration’s fault.
In recent years, Bush and the Congresses have chosen to adopt one year patches to postpone the effective date of the expansion of the AMT to the middle class. They did so because they didn’t want to have to account for the ten year projected revenue loss repealing or modifying the AMT would entail.
But it’s a game. Nobody expects the AMT to take full effect, ever. However, the amounts involved are so stupendous that Hillary can take credit for all of it, over ten years, as part of her “middle class tax cut.”
By cutting the two theoretical tax increases – renewing Bush’s middle income cuts and reforming the AMT – she can show the biggest net tax reduction in history at the same time that she is, in fact, legislating the largest net increase in history.
HEALTH CARE
Having once been wounded and left for dead by her signature issue, she is very carefully deceiving us about what she would actually do as president in changing health care. She pretends that she would simply move to cover the 45-50 million uninsured and would leave everybody else’s health care insurance in tact.
But her pretensions are nonsense. If Hillary extends health coverage to 50 million Americans, she will drastically increase the demand for all manner of health and hospital care services. The fact that most of those who will be newly covered are illegal immigrants or other people living just below or just above the poverty level indicates an especially high rate of increase in demand for services. But the supply won’t go up. There will be no sudden increase in the number of doctors, nurses, or hospital beds.
With a constant supply and a rapidly increasing demand, prices for health care will skyrocket. But with 16% of our GDP currently going to health care, how much more can we afford? No other country has more than 11% of its economy devoted to the medical sector. The Administration will have to resort to price controls or limits on health care utilization to temper the increase in health costs.
That means one absolute change that she’s keeping quiet about: health care rationing by the government. Hillary will say that it is fairer to ration health care based on merit than on price as it is now done. But the fact remains that “no, you can’t” will be heard more and more by those seeking health care.
This impact will be especially great on the elderly, where life and death decisions must be made with a view to balancing costs with benefits. While every elderly person is already covered by Medicare, of course, the aggregate increase in demand caused by the inclusion of 50 million new people in the system will drive up costs for all and require rationing for all. And it is easiest to ration medical care to the elderly. Half of all Medicare spending is during the final year of the patient’s life. We will see a revisiting of the “duty to die” ideas of former Colorado Governor Dick Lamm.
The long term effects of Hillary’s health care reforms will fundamentally change the entire nature of our medical system. The utilization controls and cost limits will make the current private insurance system a cover and a front for increasing government regulation.
PRESCRIPTION DRUGS
In the area of prescription drug costs, which account for 10% of all health care spending, we can anticipate major efforts to reign in costs, requiring generic drugs on all Medicare and Medicaid prescriptions, cut backs on pharmaceutical advertising, and limits on drug company reps who push their medicines on doctors.
The taxes Hillary will raise can always be repealed. But her health care changes are forever.
EDUCATION
Hillary will likely follow the lead of Congressman George Miller, Chairman of the House Education Committee, in weakening the essential provisions of the
No Child Left Behind Act. Under its current provisions, schools and students are rated based on objective test scores. Miller’s proposals, which Hillary will probably adopt, call for using graduation rates as a substitute for testing in assessing student and school performance.
The difference is crucial. It means that subjective grading by the teachers themselves will be used to asses the success or failure of their teaching. A system designed to bring higher standards to schools will bend to accommodate mediocrity as a result of pressure from the teachers unions.
IMMIGRATION
Hillary is co-sponsor of two key bills: The SOLVE Act and the DREAM Act. These two acronyms describe legislation which would give every illegal immigrant, and their children, legal status if they have lived in the United States for five years.
To earn this amnesty, they will not be required to learn English, have a job, stay arrest-free, pay taxes, or jump through any of the hoops set up by the Bush Administration. They would simply have to live in the U.S. for five years without getting caught.
These laws also guarantee in-state tuition for all children of illegal immigrants who have lived here for five years.
And, since the illegal immigrants would now get legal status, they would be eligible for another of Hillary’s campaign promises – free health insurance for all citizens and legal immigrant children.
So, here’s the deal: Come here illegally. Dodge the cops for five years. Then you can get legal status, a path to citizenship, health insurance for your kids and in state tuition at their local state university.
SOCIAL POLICIES
One of the most novel of Hillary’s ideas (and perhaps the most pernicious) will be the extension of government largesse to the middle class.
Hillary realizes, as Bill once told me, that any government entitlement for poor people can be easily repealed since they lack political power and practical voting strength. But middle class entitlements, once granted, last forever – see Social Security and Medicare and rent control in New York City.
So Hillary will pioneer entitlements and grants for middle class families, making them at once dependent on government aid, winning their political gratitude, and giving them a stake in benefit programs that also help the poor.
She will bring us much closer to the Swedish, French, and German model where everybody gets
a check from the government, regardless of their wealth or income, making it impossible to criticize the program.
Already she has floated three ideas along these lines:
- She proposed a $5,000 baby bond to each newborn in the U.S.. After public mockery, she backed off the idea, but it likely remains on her agenda.
- She suggested government grants to the states to fund seven paid days of sick leave for all employees, public or private.
- She favors extending the coverage of the Family and Medical Leave Act to all businesses of 25 or more employees, down from the current exclusion of all firms with 50 or fewer workers.
But these programs are but the tip of the iceberg. Her presidency would bring with it a major expansion of government benefits, particularly in those flowing to the middle class. The potential of such legislation is to transform us into more of a European style nanny state social democracy and less of a free enterprise country based on self-reliance.
TERRORISM
Look for her to curtail the wiretapping without warrants by the NSA and to weaken the Patriot Act in important respects. Hillary will have to respond to the demands of the left to curtail programs like Guantanamo and aggressive interrogation techniques even though these steps would make us more vulnerable to terrorist attacks.
IRAQ
But don’t think Hillary would withdraw from Iraq! She won’t. If anything, she may increase our commitment there and extend it for many years.
As president, Hillary’s most pressing concern will be to show the world and her domestic audience that she is tough. Overcoming misconceptions of how a woman might govern, she will be at great pains to demonstrate her strength and firmness. These concerns, plus her own views on the Iraq situation, will keep us in Iraq for most of her first term.
Before Obama entered the Democratic primary and transformed a cakewalk into a potentially tough fight, Hillary was quite plain about her belief that our involvement in Iraq “entailed significant residual security commitments” that she felt bound to honor. Interviewed by the New York Times in March of this year, she suggested several of the missions she felt would have to continue under her presidency:
- Policing the border with Iran
- Hunting al Qaeda in the provinces
- Providing intelligence, logistical, air, and training support to the Iraqi Army as needed.
While she refuses to elaborate or to speculate on the size of the troop commitment which would be required, one can easily see her becoming committed to a policy of ongoing troop presence. And once we have troops in Iraq, we might have to send in more to protect the ones we have there.
It will be interesting to see how the Democratic liberal base takes to her Iraq policy. It is easy to see her becoming subject to the same kind of abuse and criticism as Lyndon Johnson was when he escalated our troop commitment to Vietnam after winning the 1964 election on a peace platform.
We hope it won’t happen. But if she does win, this outline will likely prove prescient – and depressing.
Hold on to your wallets!
______________________________
THANK YOU!
***Copyright Eileen McGann and Dick Morris 2007. Reprints with permission only***
DICK MORRIS’ ’08 PLAY-BY-PLAY ANALYSIS Vol 1, #20
DICK MORRIS’ ’08 PLAY BY PLAY
VOLUME 1, #20
October 1, 2007
THE TIME WARP THAT PROPELS HILLARY’S CANDIDACY
The Democratic race among Hillary, Obama, and Edwards does not lend itself to ready ideological categorization. Despite Edwards’ and Obama’s efforts to define themselves as the left of the field and push Hillary to the right, the former first lady’s dexterity and shamelessness in reversing her long-held support for the Iraq War has made their strategy ineffective.
But if the three main candidates do not appear to differ ideologically, they certainly occupy different points in the timeline of Democratic politics. Obama is Democrat-future; Hillary is Democrat-present, and Edwards Democrat-past. As the party faithful come to admire the rhetoric of each, they consign their admiration to the appropriate place on the time continuum.
Politicians gain vote share in contested elections by improving their image and raising their popularity. When the linkage between their level of favorability and their vote share is broken, a politician becomes a helpless pitiful giant, unable to move up in the election at hand. In the current contest for the Democratic nomination, the time differential among the three candidates severs the link between their popularity and their vote share. When Obama does well, voters file it for future reference. When Edwards scores points, they pine after his lost past. But when Hillary is effective, they celebrate her candidacy and flock to it in droves.
(All of this is reminiscent, in reverse, of the situation that faced Bill Clinton in 1990 when he ran for his last term as governor of Arkansas. After ten years in office, and with his attention increasingly focused on the early primary and caucus states in the 1992 presidential contest, voters turned away from supporting his re-election, even as their approval of his incumbency rose. At the time, I told him that his rising popularity would qualify him for a “gold watch”on his imminent retirement, a prospect that did not appeal to him. The more Clinton’s 1990 campaign recited his accomplishments in the state house, the more his job approval rose. But his vote share dropped because voters, while appreciating his contribution, felt it was time to put him out to pasture. (He only won the election after a sharp negative campaign first against his primary opponent and then against his general election rival).
And so it is with Obama and Edwards. Even as they increase their popularity, they do nothing to raise their vote share. While the national polls show major increases in the favorability of Obama and more moderate growth for Edwards, they reflect virtual stagnation in their vote share in national Democratic Primary matchups.
When Obama shows off his high brow intelligence, aversion to partisanship, and eloquent condemnation of how Washington works, Democrats say to themselves what an attractive candidate he will make “some day.” His youth, inexperience, and novelty consign him to the realm of the future. They like Barack. But for the here and now, it’s Hillary that gets their votes.
Edwards is seen as the ghost of elections past. His strong showing in
debates, where he scores point after point against Hillary’s reliance on special interest campaign contributions, seems to do him no good in the national polls. He has been at 12-14 percent from the very beginning and still does not rise much above that level.
By contrast, Hillary has moved up by a point or two every month since she announced her candidacy in early 2007. Back then, she was the favorite of 35% of the voters in most polls. Now she is in the low 40s in most of them.
Sometimes it almost seems that Democrats are willingly surrendering their right to choose a nominee, parroting what the party elders tell them they should do. “If the boys in the back room have decided that it is Hillary’s time to run,” they seem to be saying, “Who are we to overturn their decision?” Their attitudes reflect, not a willing suspension of disbelief – a phrase Hillary has lately popularized – but rather a suspension of their traditional joy at internecine combat. Democrats, who once were reputed to form a firing squad in a circle, do so no more.
The traumas of having victory snatched from their grasp in 2000 and the trouncing of 2004 have combined to create such a determination to win in 2008 that party unity seems to be valued over all else and Democrats insist that their candidates not tear one another apart.
It is truly as if the primaries and caucuses have already been somehow
held and Democratic voters have come to the conclusion that Hillary is the apparent nominee and feel it their duty to close ranks behind her. Even the scandals of Norman Hsu, so reminiscent of the Chinese money scandals of 1996, and so typical of the Clinton baggage, have done nothing to shake the support on which Hillary can count in the Democratic primaries.
Were Obama or Edwards able to create issues vis-Ã -vis Hillary, they might be able to stop her landslide from building. But Hillary is ever skillful at hugging them on any issue position they take and stops them from opening up differences among the three candidates.
The issue of Hillary’s acceptance of special interest campaign contributions and the contrasting refusal of Obama or Edwards to do so would seem to be the only point of distinction among the candidates. But if Hillary’s dependence on PAC money does not lead her to adopt more conservative positions on key issues, the difference in the financing of the three campaigns seems to have little impact on voters.
For her part, Hillary seems to be making a virtue out of an arrogance that normally costs front runners their status: assuming that she will win, indeed acting as if she already has! Usually voters resent this kind of appropriation of their power but, such is the desire of Democrats for unity and the victory they think it will bring, that they don’t seem to mind.
So when Tim Russert asked Hillary for her position on Social Security reform during Wednesday’s Democratic debate, Hillary said “I won’t negotiate against myself,” refusing to commit herself to options. “Nothing is on or off the table,” she insisted, acting as if she were the president already facing the daunting task of negotiating with Congress over Social Security reforms.
Her frequent assertions that she “won’t answer hypothetical questions”
about Iraq or terrorism beg the question: What is a presidential campaign but a discussion of the hypothetical situations the candidate would face on assuming office? A candidate who won’t answer hypothetical questions is essentially telling the voters that she will not offer any guidance to them on the positions she might or might not take after being elected. So what are we supposed to base our votes on? Her hairdo?
For a while, it seems that the only obstacle to a Hillary landslide in the Democratic nominating process was Edwards’ ongoing strength in Iowa, a product of his obsessive campaigning there in 2004 and in years since. But most polls now show Hillary moving in front in the first caucus state and there is every reason to expect her to win there.
In short, the Democratic nominating process seems over almost before it starts. And the winner is Hillary.
MEANWHILE THE REPUBLICAN CONTEST GETS BLOODY
Fred Thompson’s entry into the Republican presidential contest and Mitt Romney’s gains in the three critical early states of Iowa, New Hampshire, and Michigan (he now leads in all three) have made the GOP contest increasingly volatile.
In the national polls, Thompson has secured a solid second place and he seems to offer Republicans a stark choice between the national security conservatism of Rudy Giuliani and his own social conservatism. While most national polls show Rudy with a continued lead, those which focus on Republican voters in the Republican primary (excluding independents) show a much tighter contest with a strong level of support for Thompson.
Rudy’s problem, in the nominating process and in the election, is that terrorism has faded dramatically as a political issue. Most national polls now rank it behind the war in Iraq, the economy, and even health care as an important issue facing the United States. Bush’s tremendous success in keeping us safe and averting new terror attacks have fostered a complaisance among voters – even among Republicans – which reduces
the saliency of Rudy’s key issue.
But the basic fact remains that it is only if Americans strongly fear the threat of terrorism that a Republican could ever defeat Hillary and that only Rudy Giuliani has the credentials to run on that issue. Polls indicate that voters, however misguided, would rather see Hillary running health care, the economy, education policy, immigration legislation, or social security reform than they would any Republican on the horizon. But on the issue of terrorism and strengthening the national defense, Rudy Giuliani defeats Hillary Clinton.
Hillary will lose only if Americans awake from their facile optimism about the chances of another terror attack. With Rudy as the Republican candidate, we may be assured of a skilled advocate of the terror issue, well equipped to pound the issue home in the heat of a campaign. If terror is the main issue, voters will not trust a liberal, Democratic woman – much less a Clinton – to protect them.
But as focus on terrorism becomes muted by complaisance, social issues like abortion, gay rights, immigration, and gun control move to the top of the Republican agenda. On these issues, Fred Thompson has a clear advantage, one that he will use effectively as the campaign progresses.
Mitt Romney is riding high in the first three primary or caucus states with a twenty point lead in Iowa, a large advantage in New Hampshire, and a narrow first place finish in Michigan. (In Florida, Rudy is still ahead). His leads are the by-product of seven million dollars in television advertising over the past five months when his fellow Republicans have been almost entirely off the air.
That Rudy let Mitt get the jump on him in the early primary states with so much unanswered paid media is one of the first strategic blunders of the 2007-08 cycle. It may be studied in political science classes for years to come if Rudy cannot dig his way out of the deficit Mitt’s ads have created.
Giuliani has recently begun to advertise in Iowa and the early polls indicate that he may have trimmed Romney’s lead from 30 points to a more mortal twenty. But it remains to be seem if Rudy can close the gap opened by Mitt’s media.
The problem Romney faces is that, unlike Thompson, he has no clear message. While he postures to the right of Giuliani on social issues, his big spending record in Massachusetts – where he passed a health insurance program remarkably similar to Hillary’s – and his strong support of abortion rights as governor make him suspect on these fronts. His lead seems to be based on his looking like a president and talking like one, advantages that may not hold up in the face of a Giuliani media onslaught from the left and a Thompson effort from the right.
But Thompson has tripped and stumbled his way out of the starting gate. It’s hard to imagine a candidate falling over his own feet as much as Fred has. He’s fired three campaign managers and communications directors already. He seemed to be totally unaware of the Terry Shiavo case or the uproar about homeowners premiums after devastating hurricanes as he campaigned in Florida. He turns out to have lobbied for a pro-abortion organization. He paid his son $170,000 for a no show job running his PAC after he retired from the Senate.
He said Cubans coming to the US might be agents of Castro’s subversion and terrorists. He disappointed everyone with his poor fund raising performance so far. He ducked the first two GOP debates…. And so on.
Mike Huckabee, the former Arkansas governor who has captivated the Republican Party with his wit, sincerity and novel way of explaining himself, is making an unexpectedly strong bid in Iowa. One poll even has him at 14% of the vote, ahead of McCain and within the margin of error of both Thompson and Giuliani. Huckabee’s campaign is an anti-money effort. His famous crack before the Aimes straw poll, where he surprised everyone with a strong second place finish, that “I can’t afford to buy you. I can’t even afford to rent you”is striking a chord in Iowa and it would be a mistake to count him out.
With Newt out of the game, there won’t be any surprises in the next few months. To analyze the Republican primary, think of a tennis tournament with quarter finals, semi finals, and finals. In the quarter finals in the center court, Rudy has defeated John McCain in straight sets. But on the right court, Thompson is battling Romney while Newt tunes his racquet. The winner of the Mitt-Fred quarter final will earn the right to face Rudy in the semi-final to be held on February 5th
in thirty states. In the meantime, Hillary seems to be having no trouble disposing of Obama in the center court quarter-final and Edwards in the right court at the same time. She may draw a bye on February 5th and go right to the final to face the winner of the Republican semi-finals.
….AND FOR VICE PRESIDENT?
Again, the imperatives of the Democratic side make the outcome more predictable than among the Republicans. Hillary’s entire candidacy is based on the idea of expanding the electorate to include those who don’t normally vote but would vote Democratic if they did. Just as a woman running in the top spot will attract millions of new female voters (largely unmarried) to the polls, so one would assume that she would pick a running mate who could do the same. That, of course, means either Obama or Richardson.
Hillary doesn’t like Obama. That much is evident from their campaign. In fact, it is hard to see Hillary ever liking an adversary, so personal is the competition to her. And if Obama does not ratchet up his campaign but seems content to be the candidate of the future, there will be no compelling need for her to put him on the ticket. Obama’s candidacy becomes a necessity for Hillary only if the contest between them generates such heat and bitterness that she must run with him to placate the African-American supporters on whom any Democratic candidacy
must depend. But the current softball contest between the two of them is unlikely to generate the kind of discord which would militate for Obama’s inclusion on the ticket.
But Bill Richardson is a different story. Hillary likes him from his
days in the cabinet and his service as UN Ambassador. As a Hispanic, he can generate millions of additional votes for the ticket. The era of choosing a vice president for his geographic balance is over as our nation becomes more homogenized. Edwards, for example, did not help Kerry to carry North Carolina. But we now need to balance tickets according to ethnicity and gender (or at least Democrats do). So, the logic for choosing a Hispanic-American is quite compelling and likely to dictate Hillary’s choice.
On the Republican side, Rudy Giuliani, if he is the nominee, has to choose a running mate who will assuage the social conservatives. Just as George H.W. Bush’s choice for vice president was closely watched by his party in 1988 to see if he would tack left (by choosing Jack Kemp) or right by naming Bob Dole, so Giuliani’s decision will send a key message to his followers. (Bush, of course, chose neither one, opting instead to relate to incompetents by naming Quayle.
To appease the Christian right, Giuliani will probably have to pick one of their own and send signals that he will toe their line on social policies. By doing so, he essentially will be asking for forgiveness for his apostasy as Mayor of the most liberal city in America and indicate that he will now return to the fold of true believers.
The best choice for Rudy would be Mike Huckabee. Why choose a wanna-be Christian minister when you can have the real thing? Mike’s creativity and humor will serve as a useful antidote to Rudy’s stern, lecturing, intensity.
__________________________________________
THANK YOU!
***Copyright Eileen McGann and Dick Morris 2007. Reprints with permission only***
DICK MORRIS’ ’08 PLAY-BY-PLAY ANALYSIS Vol 1, #19
DICK MORRIS’ ’08 PLAY BY PLAY
VOLUME 1, #19
SEPTEMBER 10, 2007
FRED THOMPSON: GOING NOPLACE FAST
Now that Thompson has finally declared his candidacy, albeit on the Jay
Leno show, many are pinning their hopes on him as a later-day Ronald Reagan.
But he’s not going to be viable. Here’s why:
The Political Insider
Thompson is not at all the outsider maverick that he claims to be. In fact, he’s the ultimate Washington insider. He was a successful lobbyist before he went to the Senate and he returned to lobbying after leaving it. Until very recently, he worked for Equitas, a British insurance company trying to squirm out of paying for asbestos/cancer claims. He also represented a Tennessee Savings and Loan, Toyota, and Perrier.
Jean Bertrand Aristide, the quasi-Marxist deposed Haitian president who was
last generation’s equivalent of Hugo Chavez was one of his clients. And the right will not like that he lobbied for the Teamsters Union
Pension Fund.
Although Thompson is adamantly opposed to government subsidies, he sought a handout
for Westinghouse for its nuclear power plant in Oak Ridge.
And although he claims to be pro-life, he was an advocate for a pro-choice
group.
The New York Times reported today that in 1992, Thompson’s old law firm actually advised the lawyer for the Libyan terrorists who were charged with planting the bomb on Pan Am flight 103, which blew up over Lockerbie, Scotland. The firm was paid over $800,000 – that’s a lot of lawyering. The Libyans billed the firm for several hours for conferring with the lead attorney on the case. According to the firm’s lawyers, Thompson advised them on “jurisdictional” issues. Translation: how to keep the terrorists from being extradited to stand trial. At the time, Libya was refusing to extradite the suspects and the entire international community was outraged. It was then that the U.S. added Libya to the list of countries where there is state-sponsored terrorism. Ultimately, the suspects were extradited and tried in Scotland. One of them was convicted, while the other was acquitted. In 2003, Libya admitted responsibility for the Lockerbie bombing and agreed to pay $2.7 billion to the families of the survivors. No thanks to Fred and his law firm.
Thompson’s view on lobbying for questionable clients is that it is no different than a lawyer defending a client. He says that he makes “no apologies” for his lobbying clients. But apparently Thompson doesn’t realize that voter don’t like lobbyists (or lawyers, for that matter). The latest Gallup Poll reports that 75% of the American voters believe that it is “unacceptable” to finance a presidential campaign with contributions from Washington lobbyists. How will they feel about voting for one?
Questionable Conservative Credentials:
One of Thompson’s lobbying clients, in particular, will rankle with conservatives:
The National Family Planning and Reproductive Health Association. While Thompson says that he has “no recollection” of lobbying for
the group in 1991, the minutes of a September 14, 1991 meeting of the association report that he was hired to “aid [the association] in
discussions with the administration.”
Judy De Sarno, the executive director of the group at the time says that she has specific memories of discussing Thompson’s lobbying work with him in phone conversations and during meals at Washington Restaurants.
Former Democratic Congressman Michael D. Barnes (D-Md) confirms that Thompson worked for the abortion rights group. He was employed by the same lobbying and law firm that Thompson worked for and he said he talked to Thompson “while he was doing it [lobbying for the group], and I talked to [De Sarno] about the fact that she was very pleased with the work he was doing for her organization.” He added: “I have strong, total recollection of that. This is not something I dreamed up or she dreamed up. This is a fact.” How odd that Thompson would have “no recollection.”
When Thompson first ran for the Senate in 1994, he checked a box on a questionnaire about abortion indicating that he believed that abortion “should be legal in all circumstances for the first three months.”
And when he ran again in 1996, he told the Christian Coalition that he “opposed” a constitutional amendment protecting “the sanctity of human life.” He wrote on the questionnaire “I do not believe that abortion should be criminalized. This battle will be won in the hearts and souls of the American people.”
With a Republican field of a pro-choice candidate (Giuliani), a recent convert to pro-life (Mitt Romney), and a former abortion lobbyist (Fred Thompson), the right wing doesn’t have much to choose from.
Immigration
But Thompson will also get in trouble for his immigration positions. In 1995, he voted against limiting services other than emergency medical care and public education to illegal aliens. He was one of only six Senators to vote against the proposal. Voters will not like that he wanted to use tax money to provide a host of medical and other services to those who flouted our laws and came here illegally.
And, in 1996, he voted against creating an employer verification system so that businesses could identify illegal immigrants who applied for jobs in their companies.
Terrorism
As noted above, Thompson and his law firm worked to help keep Libyan terrorists from standing trial for killing all of the passengers on Pan Am flight 103. In the aftermath of 9/11 and on its 6th anniversary, Thompson will have difficulty with his past work.
Taxes
Finally,
Thompson has ruled out signing a pledge not to raise taxes if elected
president. A no-tax pledge, a fundamental for any conservative
candidate, is a litmus test for most voters in the New Hampshire’s
Republican Primary and they will not take kindly to Thompson’s position.
Nepotism
In
our book, Outrage, we disclosed the widespread practice of members
of Congress hiring their wives and families to work on their Political
Action Committee (PAC) payrolls. But Thompson went even further:
He paid his son, Daniel — for four years — as a no-show employee
of his PAC after he had left Congress.
The
PAC had about a quarter of a million dollars available when he decided
not to run for another term in the Senate. Since 2002, the PAC
has been almost totally dormant. It raised almost no more money
and gave out $70,000 to other political candidates. The balance,
$170,000 went to Daniel. The PAC had no office, no phone, no fax,
and almost no activity. But Thompson used it to pay his son, a
total abuse of campaign funding.
What’s
wrong with paying your son through campaign money? Plenty.
First, he gave his son money that could have been used to elect other
Republican candidates. Second, the people who donated the money
to him assumed it would be used to finance his political activity, not
nepotism. Finally, using PAC money to pay one’s own family blurs
the distinction between a personal bribe and a campaign contribution.
If the money special interests give you is directed at political work,
it’s a contribution. But if it passes through the membrane that
separates the personal from the political, it begins to assume the characteristics
of a bribe, particularly when it is for doing absolutely nothing!
Turmoil Within
All
summer, the war has raged, not pitting Thompson against his Republican
rivals, or even his Democratic opposition, but featuring a battle of
Mrs. Fred Thompson against virtually her husband’s entire campaign
staff.
The
list of axed, fired, or forced-to-resign employees would distinguish
a campaign of far greater tenure, but coming in a candidacy yet even
to be announced, it is truly unique.
The
first ax fell when Jeri Thompson – who fancies herself a political
consultant – challenged Tom Collamore, an experienced southern political
operative for control of the campaign. Jeri’s indignation at
what she perceived as the staff’s wasting her husband’s money rose
to an apogee when she arrived at the campaign headquarters and allegedly
took attendance!
Collamore,
who is a former VP of Altria, the sanitized name for Philip Morris,
was forced out and former Bush Energy Secretary of US Senator from Michigan
Spencer Abraham was brought in to take his place. Abraham lasted
all of ten days and a new team was installed in place.
The
latest casualty of these endless internal wars is former Fox News staffer
Jim Mills, the third communications director in this still fledgling
campaign. Also gone last week was his close aide, Mark Collaro. Every
day brings new firings and departures.
Unless
Thompson’s house gets itself in order, it won’t be a campaign, but
a floating civil war.
No dough
Thompson
and his staff worked assiduously throughout June and July to raise funds
for his exploratory committee. They boasted that they would exceed
expectations as they beat the donor community for money. But the
results were underwhelming. They raised only $3.4 million and
spent $600,000 of it in the process. More to the point, half of
it came from Tennessee, where Thompson had served as Senator, indicating future troubles in mounting a broad based fund raising operation.
Arthur Branch
But,
as his decision to duck the Fox News debate on September 5th
and appear on the Leno show instead indicates, he is not used to appearing
unscripted on television. Arthur Branch, the character he plays
on Law and Order, is glib, fluent, eloquent, and down homey. But
is Fred sans script? Will he appear flat compared to Branch?
How will he look without contrived camera angles, expert lighting, and
the kind of professional makeup you get on television but not on the
campaign trail?
All
these concerns are doubtless very much in Thompson’s mind and may
account for his hesitant, on-again, off-again approach to declaring
his candidacy and jumping in the ring.
HILLARY’S
STRANGE FUNDRAISER: REMEMBRANCE OF THINGS PAST
The strange case of ‘Hillraiser’ Norman Hsu gets even stranger as
more details are disclosed. How did this fugitive become one of the
top fundraisers for Hillary Clinton? And where did his money come from?
It
all sounds so familiar, doesn’t it? Remember when Johnny Chuang passed
$50,000 in cash in Hillary’s White House office?
No one knows very much about Hsu. It now appears that his business addresses
were nothing more than a postal drop or a phantom company. He went through
a second bankruptcy in recent years. So where did he get the $600,000
that he donated to Democratic candidates?
QUESTION: How can someone get close to Hillary Clinton?
ANSWER: Send a check. Pretty soon, you’ll be on a list
and receive invitations to elite events.
Now that Hsu is in custody, maybe some of the serious questions about
him will be answered. We’re all ears.
When the Wall Street Journal first disclosed the curious circumstances
surrounding some of the contributions that he bundled, Hillary Clinton’s
enforcer and press secretary, Howard Wolfson righteously defended Hsu:
“During
Mr. Hsu’s many years of active participation in the political process,
there has been no question about his integrity or his commitment to
playing by the rules, and we have absolutely no reason to call his contributions
into question or to return them.”
That
statement is, as they say in Washington, inoperative.
MIKE HUCKABEE
SURGING IN IOWA AND NEW HAMPSHIRE
Former Arkansas Governor
Mike Huckabee, who came in second in the Iowa Straw Poll, has moved
from 1% to 9% in Iowa and from 1% to 14% in New Hampshire.
Keep an eye on him!
________________________________________________________________________
THANK YOU!
***Copyright Eileen
McGann and Dick Morris 2007. Reprints with permission only***
DICK MORRIS’ ’08 PLAY-BY-PLAY ANALYSIS Vol 1, #18
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Volume 1, #18
August 24, 2007
HILLARY’S STRATEGY AND WHY IT’S WORKING
The contours of the Democratic race for the presidential nominee are now clear: Hillary boasts of her experience, derivative though it may be, while Obama speaks of the urgent need for new directions in
our political process. While Clinton speaks repetitively of her ability to “hit the ground running on day one” as president, Obama laments that all our nation seems able to summon is the tired alternative of a new Clinton to succeed the latest Bush.
What is increasingly evident is that Obama’s attacks on Hillary aren’t working. In fact, the Iraq “surge” is doing a lot better than Barack is; he’s going nowhere fast in the polls – he’s still at about 25% – 13 points behind Hillary. And, John Edwards, who is pushing the same message of change is stuck at about 13%. Why? Isn’t this the Democratic Party, where novelty is valued and new ideas are attractive? Apparently not.
Viewed through the retrospective of the Bush Administration, the Democrats nostalgically remember Bill Clinton as a good president. But the fact is that he was never that popular with the party rank and file and he was particularly distrusted by its vocal and increasingly dominant left wing. So why is Hillary able to use her claim to this inherited record to all but nullify the traditional Democratic affection for change?
The key lies not in the record of the Bill and Hillary Clinton Administration, but in the record of the Bill and Hillary Clinton candidacies. While he may not look like a fearless liberal leader in the mode of FDR or Harry Truman or even LBJ, Bill Clinton has one clear claim to the affections of his party and its loyalists: Despite all odds, he won again and again.
So, it is the Clinton electoral and political history, and not so much its governing record, that is broadly appealing to Democrats. When Hillary speaks of her experience, it is really a reference to her ability
to survive the Republican attack machine far more than any knowledge she may have of the workings of American government which so attract primary voters.
Both fans and critics of the Clinton Administration and of its record have to concede the point that it excelled at survivability. Think about it. If there is one trait which is etched in the political history of this couple, it has been their ability to repeatedly overcome adversity and triumph – and this is precisely what the Democratic primary voters are looking for in their candidate. Above ideology, above foreign policy, above their attitudes toward the war, above their social vision, Democrats are passionate about the notion that their nominee in 2008 be a winner.
That’s their major concern. So obsessed are they with replacing the Bush Administration that they have fast-forwarded past the primaries and are already zeroing in on how the candidates bidding for their attention will fare against the GOP in November of next year.
Can Obama stand up to the likes of Karl Rove? Can Edwards, with his nice guy routine, hope to defeat the Republican Party? Democrats doubt it. But Hillary can and Bill sure did.
Consider the Clintons’ record for survival:
- They recovered from the draft and Jennifer Flowers’ scandals and a defeat in New Hampshire to win the Democratic nomination in 1992.
- They came back from the most devastating defeat in a mid-term Congressional election since Truman lost Congress in 1946 to win a second term.
- Impeached and disgraced in the Lewinsky scandal, Clinton staggered on to the end of his term and rehabilitated his name, albeit with the indispensable assistance of President George W. Bush who raised him to a level of respectability in the wake of the Tsunami.
- Bill spent the last hours of his presidency giving out controversial pardons that triggered a criminal investigation and signing a plea agreement with the Special Prosecutor.
- The Clintons were criticized – even by the liberal media – for taking – and, indeed, soliciting – hundreds of thousands of dollars of expensive gifts as they left the White House.
- Hillary’s Finance Chairman was indicted and it was disclosed that one of her closest aides, Kelly Craighead, accepted an expensive Rolex watch from convicted felon Peter Paul, who arranged illegal campaign contributions to Hillary’s Senate campaign.
- Having started her Senate term bedeviled by the pardons of the FALN terrorists, the New Square Jewish leaders, Mark Rich, and the drug dealer and others her brothers were paid to lobby for, Hillary rose in the Senate and coasted to an easy re-election.
The message for the Democrats is clear: These folks may or may not know how to govern, but they sure know how to win. And a winner is what the Democrats want above all else in 2008.
Meanwhile, on the playing field of the Democratic nominating process, it is fun to watch how the
DEMS SCAMPER TO COPE WITH IRAQ SUCCESS
They were well positioned to exploit failure in Iraq, but how can the Party cope with success? With the casualty lists shrinking and the level of violence abating in Iraq, the Bush-Petreus troop surge is increasingly
looking like at least a short term success.
Even Hillary now admits that it’s working in Anbar Province , while Obama concedes that it’s lowering the level of violence in Baghdad. Each hastens to reassert their opposition to the war with Obama and continues
to call it a “total failure.” Hillary maintains that the surge comes too late and we should still get our troops home.
The contortion by Hillary is the latest in her pretzel-like twists and turns on Iraq. She’s been for the war, against the war, for the surge, against the surge, for troop withdrawal, against troop withdrawal. Now she
says that the surge is what she recommended years ago and that it is working now –but that it is too late to make a difference, now.
The fact is, of course, that Hillary is determined not to let any daylight grow between her and the left of the party over Iraq even though all her instincts – and her correct perception of the positions she must take to win the general election — move her to the right on the issue. But she can’t afford to go there when the Democratic left is watching her every word.
The main impact of the successes in Iraq has been to delete the issue from the forefront of the Democratic campaign. Just as accusations against Bush on the economy and on the budget deficit used to dominate
Democratic rhetoric and are now completely absent, so we hear less and less about Iraq from the Democratic aspirants. We hear a lot more about health insurance and global climate change and a plethora of boutique issues, but very little about the core issues that once animated their agenda.
DEMOCRATS DON’T LIKE CONGRESS, EITHER
The latest Fox News Poll shows that national approval ratings for Congress are down to 24%, almost at the historic lows. But, interestingly, Democrats only give the Congress, now controlled by their own party,
an approval rating of 26%.
Why are Democrats turned off their own Congress? Because their party has not delivered. The two issues which animated the ascension of Pelosi and Reid to power in the 2006, Iraq and ethics, are still hanging fire in the new Democratic Congress. Very little has changed as a result of the partisan reversal and Democrats are as angry at their Congressional leaders as Republicans are.
There has been no serious lobbying reform yet, earmarks are still in vogue, Congress is in session only a few days a week and is currently on a two month break. Pelosi has not been able to pass the reforms that she
touted when she was elected Speaker. In most respects, its business as usual in Congress. And the voters – Democrats and Republicans – are sick of it.
With vulnerable Republican Senate seats coming up in 2008 in Virginia (if Warner retires), Oregon, Minnesota, New Hampshire, and Maine, the key question is whether the disenchantment of Democratic voters with the
performance of their Congressional majority will carry over to make them less likely to vote against Republican Senators.
It’s too early to tell, but the disenchantment of Democrats with their Congress is an important phenomenon.
By contrast, despite their disagreements with him over immigration reform, Republicans are hanging in for George W. Bush. Sixty-three percent say they approve of the job he is doing.
Whether the Democrats’ negative views of their Congressional majority will carry over into the 2008 election or not, they certainly presage a major split that is likely to widen among Democrats between their perceptions of what their party should do and its actual record. It is a truism that Democrats form a firing squad in a circle and the current lack of party loyalty for their legislative representatives augers ill for Democratic unity.
FRED THOMPSON’S
OPENING FORAYS
Fred Thompson just handed Rudy Giuliani an issue that can kill his yet-to-be-announced presidential campaign. Campaigning in Iowa. Asked if he would pledge not to raise taxes if elected President. Thompson demurred. Signing the pledge has acquired almost biblical status among GOP conservatives
and Fred’s reluctance to do so will be seen as an apostasy on the right.
Thompson also tried to put ideological distance between himself and Giuliani by attacking New York City’s strict gun control policies. Clearly Thompson has fertile ground to plough on the NRA’s issues.
Giuliani is considerably to the left of the GOP on all sorts of gun issues.
But taxes remain the core issue for the Republican primary voter. If Giuliani finds a way to flank Thompson on the right over this issue, he could do very, very well in the primaries.
GIULIANI STILL LEADS IN GOP RACE
The latest Gallup Poll, completed on August 16th, shows Rudy Giuliani maintaining his substantial lead over all of the other Republican candidates. Rudy remains at 32%. Fred Thompson is in second place with 19% – having lost 2 points in the past two weeks. Romney has moved up from 8% to 14%, reflecting the Iowa Straw Poll and his advertising campaign, and McCain has fallen from 16% to 11%. (In May, he was at 24%!) Mike Huckabee has moved from 2% to 4%.
With McCain falling apart, Fred Thompson appears to be the only serious opponent for Rudy. But, given Thompson’s tepidness in entering the race and his lackluster performance at his first outing in Iowa, Rudy doesn’t seem to have much to worry about.
Fred’s been throwing negatives at him on gun control, but, so far, there’s been no change in his ratings.
While the two candidates are at opposite poles on many core issues, they do share one thing in common: the national press has savaged both of their wives. Geri Thompson has been widely described in the mainstream press as a “trophy wife” and unflattering details of her involvement in Fred’s undeclared campaign have been routinely leaked. She occasionally delivers pizza to the staff, but also takes attendance. Hmmmm. Already, she’s been blamed for the short tenures of two campaign managers. Meanwhile, Judith Giuliani has been skewered by Vanity Fair for insisting on sitting next to her husband at dinner parties (apparently a mortal sin!) and for advising him on health care policies (She’s a nurse)
Neither wife has been campaigning with their husbands.
But while the Republican wives are fodder for all kinds of stories, no one writes much about possible first husband Bill Clinton these days.
There are, however, quite a few stories about the wives of the Democratic candidates, who are openly savaging their husband’s opponents. Elizabeth Edwards described Obama’s position on Iraq as “holier than thou” and charged that Hillary didn’t really advocate women’s issues as strongly as her husband. Then Michelle Obama hit a lob to Hillary when
she said that a candidate for president can’t clean up the White House if they can’t clean up their own house.
Maybe we should have a candidate’s wives/husbands debate!
______________________________
THANK YOU!
***Copyright Eileen
McGann and Dick Morris 2007. Reprints with permission only***
DICK MORRIS’ ’08 PLAY-BY-PLAY ANALYSIS Vol 1, #17
DICK MORRIS’ ‘08 PLAY-BY-PLAY
August 13, 2007
Volume 1, #17
FRED THOMPSON IN FREE FALL
He may become the only presidential candidate in history to lose before he ran. With no declaration of candidacy behind him or in the immediate future, Fred Thompson’s staff shakeups, nepotism, and indecision about running are already costing him the surge of support which initially powered him to parity with Giuliani in Scott Rasmussen’s daily presidential tracking polls. While other pollsters always had the former Tennessee Senator in second place, at least ten points behind, Rasmussen has had Rudy and Fred neck and neck during the past month. But no more.
Now even Rasmussen agrees that Thompson is in bad shape. On August 7, 2007, Scott had the two GOP front runners in a dead even 25-25 tie. By August 8th, it was 24-23 Rudy. On August 9th, 26-21 Rudy and on August 10th, the most recent poll as of this writing, the race was: Giuliani: 28%, Thompson 19%. (Rasmussen’s polls are based on a moving three day average).
The main culprit, oddly, does not seem to be Fred himself but Jeri, his wife. Insisting on her skills as a political consultant (although those credentials remain obscure to many in the biz), she instigated the firing of Tom Collamore, her husband’s campaign manager. She was right. His baggage as former vice president of Altria (the soothing new name for Phillip Morris Tobacco) would have weighed heavily on the campaign. But she got her name in the newspapers in firing Tom, a no-no for a would be presidential spouse.
Almost every major newspaper in the country has carried highly negative stories about Mrs. Thompson and her heavy involvement in the ‘campaign.’ From taking attendance at the headquarters to making hiring, firing, and tactical decisions, Mrs. Thompson is clearly in charge. And the result has not been a good one. Stories about her old boy friends, old debts, and low-level jobs in politics are everywhere. What’s nowhere is a single story about Fred’s plans for the country.
After Collamore walked, Fred hired former Senator and Energy Secretary Spencer Abraham to replace him. That was also a no-go. Abraham has a long history of backing immigration and teaming up with Ted Kennedy to offer amnesty to Nicaraguan and other immigrants. His bona fides as a supporter of Israel and opponent of terrorism were also questioned by many bloggers.
Good-bye Spence.
Amid all this turmoil, the campaign managed to raise only $3.4 million by July 31st, more than enough for a Congressional race but a bit wanting when you have to run for president in a national primary a few months hence. They have only a little more than $2.5 million on hand. That’s not going to go far.
And then, finally, there is Fred’s diffidence. Is he or isn’t he running? This ambivalence isn’t playing well with the right wing social conservative base which wants a fire eater to go out there and slay first Rudy and then Hillary. An on-again, off-again candidate doesn’t suit their tastes.
If Fred ultimately runs, he’s going to have to explain his own lobbying background, where he represented the likes of Toyota and Equitas, an insurance company trying to minimize its payments to asbestos victims. He will also have to explain why he hired his son, Daniel Thompson at his Political Action Committee after he left the Senate and, to all appearances, left politics for good. He paid Daniel $170,000 over four years to do virtually nothing. The PAC had no office, no telephone and, other than Daniel, no staff.
Maybe Fred will skip the race entirely, paving the way for….NEWT!
HILLARY UP, HILLARY DOWN
In July, Hillary hit her groove by wrapping herself in Bill’s record. Glombing onto her husband, she schlepped him around Iowa and New Hampshire and injected him, big time, into her campaign.
The gambit worked. Her poll ratings rose from the mid and high 30s to the mid and high forties, peaking at 48% in some polls, an amazing number in a seven way race.
Her pseudo-experience seemed more real with Bill at her side and she was able to draw the implicit contrast with Obama’s lack of federal experience.
But then she tripped up at the bloggers’ on August 4th over the issue of her special interest campaign contributions. Only Hillary, among the top three candidates, is taking money from lobbyists and PACs and she paid dearly for it in the debate. Edwards challenged her directly saying that he would never have his photograph on the cover of Forbes Magazine as the choice of CEOs, an accolade Hillary won which is of dubious value in a Democratic primary. Obama asked if she would continue to take lobbyist money and she answered emphatically: “I will, I will” and reminded the audience that lobbyists are “real Americans” who represent “real people” like teachers and nurses.
But they also represent drug companies, banks, tobacco, foreign countries, and insurance firms less dear to Democratic voters.
To parry charges of special interest contamination, Hillary declared that she didn’t think anybody would believe that she would ever be influenced by a lobbyist. When Rasmussen posed that very question in his daily tracking poll the next day, only 27% of the voters agreed that she would not be influenced.
As a result, Hillary has slipped from 45% in Rasmussen’s August 4th poll to 38% on August 8th. She has since recovered to 40%.
But the news is that for the first time, her rivals were able to use an issue to score against the former First Lady. Maybe now they’ve gotten better at playing this game.
IOWA VS AMERICA
The national polls in the two party’s nomination races have been stuck for months with the same message: On the Democratic side, Clinton leads Obama convincingly and Edwards trails badly. On the Republican side, Rudy Giuliani holds a smaller lead over Fred Thompson with Romney stuck at 10% of the vote and McCain fading badly.
(In fact, Hillary has extended her lead over Obama in the national polling going from a 39-26 margin in the four polls conducted in early July to 42-22 in the three polls later in the month).
But, in Iowa, the polls tell a decidedly different story. Here, the front runners for in their respective primaries are Mitt Romney for the Republicans and John Edwards for the Democrats.
So, the real question is: Which will prevail? Will Iowa force its views on the nation? Or will the numbers in Iowa come into conformity with the national trends?
On the Republican side, Mitt Romney, due to his early and aggressive paid advertising, has staked out a formidable lead, one which he has held for the past three months. The following table compares the GOP contenders in the combined polling in May/June vs. July.
| Iowa Republican Polling | ||||
| Thompson | McCain | Romney | Giuliani | |
| May/June | 12% | 14% | 22% | 17% |
| July | 14% | 13% | 24% | 18% |
In New Hampshire, where Romney holds an edge because of his service as Massachusetts Governor, the story is much the same. (About 2/3 of New Hampshire is covered by Boston television):
| New Hampshire Republican Polling | ||||
| Thompson | McCain | Romney | Giuliani | |
| May/June | 10% | 19% | 28% | 19% |
| July | 13% | 13% | 29% | 22% |
On the Democratic side, in the faux world of Iowa, it is John Edwards who holds small but stubborn lead over Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton. While Romney’s lead among Republicans is largely the product of his paid advertising, Edwards has run no ads in Iowa. His lead is an artifact of his 2004 campaign which led to a strong second place showing behind John Kerry and his obsessive efforts in the state ever since.
| Iowa Democratic Polling | ||||
| Edwards | Clinton | Obama | ||
| May/June | 27% | 24% | 18% | |
| May/June | 28% | 26% | 19% | |
In New Hampshire, the results are more typical of the national race with Hillary in front, trailed by Obama and Edwards. But, here, Hillary has fallen back a bit in recent weeks while Obama has come on strong a showing which contrasts with Hillary’s increasing strength in the national polls. Once again, this difference in trends is likely due to Obama’s paid advertising in New Hampshire.
| New Hampshire Democratic Polling | ||||
| Edwards | Clinton | Obama | ||
| May/June | 35% | 20% | 13% | |
| May/June | 30% | 26% | 11% | |
How Important is Iowa?
So how much does Iowa count in the scheme of things? It, of course, counts for everything. If Edwards or Romney were to win here, it would automatically put them on the map vis-à-vis their better known opponents. While Hillary could survive a loss in Iowa and/or New Hampshire and still make it to the next rounds, an Obama defeat in these early states might seriously impair his chances.
Does Advertising Work in Iowa?
But will Iowa remain as it is or will the national front runners gain when they begin paid advertising there?
The experience of the Romney campaign, where polling changed directly as a result of paid advertising, would suggest that ads work in the state. But the steadiness of the Democratic field and its lack of movement even after Obama’s advertising, suggests that perhaps it is more impervious to paid media.
The difference between the Democratic and Republican field may be explained by the difference in the degree to which their candidates are well known.
Hillary Clinton is, of course, very well known and has been the object of national focus for more than a decade. While Barack Obama is a new comer, he has gotten massive media exposure since he began his candidacy. Edwards, of course, has already run in the state and done quite well.
But the Republicans are less well known. Rudy Giuliani is still the former Mayor of distant New York, Fred Thompson is a character on a TV show, and Mitt Romney is largely a presence through paid advertising. McCain, who ran here before, has faded due to his support of the immigration bill.
Since the Democratic candidates are better known, paid media may be less effective in their contest.
Giuliani Should Advertise in Iowa
Even if the Republican field is susceptible to paid advertising, has Romney wrapped it up or can Giuliani or Thompson overcome his early lead?
Given his fund raising success, it is ridiculous that Giuliani has allowed Romney to build up such a lead. With the former Massachusetts governor likely to win in New Hampshire, Rudy’s campaign has been asleep at the switch in letting Romney stake out an early lead. The fact that Romney has held the lead for three months now suggests that it may be hard to overcome.
While Romney is nowhere in the national polls, if he can hang on in Iowa and win in New Hampshire, he could vault to front runner status.
Giuliani needs to get busy and start paid ads in Iowa lest he find himself fenced out at the start of the race. Obama’s difficulty in gaining much traction even though he has been running ads in Iowa should serve as a lesson to the Giuliani campaign.
POLLING: Who Do You Trust On the Issues?
Source: Gallup Poll
| Among Republicans… | ||||
| Issue | Thompson | McCain | Romney | Giuliani |
| The War in Iraq | 75% | 57% | 49% | 67% |
| Terrorism | 83% | 59% | 51% | 76% |
| Health Care | 71% | 52% | 45% | 58% |
| Economy | 79% | 57% | 53% | 66% |
| Among Independents… | ||||
| Issue | Thompson | McCain | Romney | Giuliani |
| The War in Iraq | 52% | 33% | 31% | 54% |
| Terrorism | 63% | 37% | 32% | 62% |
| Health Care | 46% | 32% | 41% | 41% |
| Economy | 55% | 34% | 33% | 48% |
Here Comes Newt …if Thompson Continues to Stumble
Look for Newt Gingrich to get into the race! As the favorite of the pro-life social conservatives and a figure of unquestioned intellectual heft, Newt would run strongly in the GOP primaries. All along, he has kept his options open about running in the fall and now, with McCain fading and Thompson stumbling, the path may be open for a Gingrich candidacy.
Could Gingrich brush aside the other GOP contenders and make it a two way race between himself and Giuliani? Probably he can. Could he beat Giuliani? Probably he can’t.
HOW WILL IRAQ UNFOLD IN THE ELECTIONS?
People have been talking about the surprising Op Ed in the New York Times “A War We Just Might Win,” by Michele O’Hanlon and Kenneth Pollack.
by claiming some measure of success because of the troop surge in Iraq. With July as the least costly month for American troops in at least a year, there is some speculation that the news from Iraq may not be all bad.
Military experts tell us that the Pentagon is going to insist on drawing down the troop levels in Iraq starting around March of 2008 by a rate of about 5,000 soldiers per month. The withdrawals will not be motivated by any sense of failure in Iraq, but by their desire to keep tours of duty in Iraq limited to fifteen months and their reluctance to extend them to eighteen months or more.
With signs of success in Iraq and ongoing troop withdrawals during all of 2008, can Bush blur the differences between his program and that of the Democrats sufficiently to give the GOP a chance in 2008?
Could be.
And Can We Capture bin Laden?
And then there is Pakistan. It has been obvious for some time that our alliance with Musharaaf is the main reason for our failure to capture bin Laden. Musharraf has had a truce with the warlords in the border area between Pakistan and Afghanistan where Osama is said to be hiding. But with the occupation of the Mosque in Pakistan’s capital by Muslim extremists and Musharaaf’s blood campaign to oust them, the truce is over. This could signal a willingness by the Paki leader to allow US forces to come into his nation to hunt for al Qaeda…a move that could lead to some spectacular captures, including, perhaps, the big one.
Barack Obama has seized on the issue of Pakistan and advocated invading the country, with or without Musharaaf’s permission, to go after al Qeada. His aggressiveness has been heightened by a recent National Intelligence Estimate (NIE) which concluded that we are not doing enough to go after bin Laden and al Qaeda in the border area.
If Bush manages to capture bin Laden and begin to pull out of Iraq, maybe Hillary Clinton might not move into the White House after all.
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THANK YOU!
***Copyright Eileen McGann and Dick Morris 2007. Reprints with permission only***



